by Samuel Ngari
The tenure of William Ruto as the president of the Republic of Kenya, in a span of two years, has been marked by significant political changes in a very short period of time. From the most recent one, the impeachment of his deputy Rigathi Gachagua on October 17, who is putting up a spirited fight to block his successor. With the intervention of the High Court, which has blocked his replacement until October 24, he might be lucky enough to fight for his post as the country’s deputy president before a bench appointed by the Chief Justice, Martha Koome.
His impeachment marks a monumental stage in Kenya's history. Although it doesn’t come as a surprise, it is crucial to Articles 144 and 145 of the 2010 constitution. This comes after 236 members of parliament voted in favor of Prof. Kindiki to be Gachagua’s successor. He still maintains that the entire process has not been impartial, claiming that the allegations and charges against him are baseless and that Parliament had insufficient evidence. A deputy president is elected alongside the president, unlike in the past when a vice president was appointed by the president.
This leaves one questioning the whole impeachment and replacement process, especially since Rigathi, according to his lawyer Paul Muite, fell sick. According to Articles 144 and 145, one should be granted the opportunity to be heard. However, this was not the case on October 17, as the Senate proceeded with the impeachment process.
Another key political change under the Kenya Kwanza governance was the dissolving of the Cabinet, which took place in July this year. On June 27, 2024, thousands of protestors stormed the Parliament Building in Nairobi, outraged by the passing of the finance bill. This led to the dismissal of the cabinet secretaries on July 11, as the President formed what he termed a “broad-based Government,” which included several members from the opposition.
While doing so, the president apologized for the arrogance and opulence displayed by the country’s political and bureaucratic elite and promised to hold them accountable. A similar event occurred during the tenure of the late President Mwai Kibaki, after his humiliating defeat in the 2005 constitutional referendum. Just as Kibaki viewed that as a vote of no confidence in his government and sacked his ministers (as they were known under the old constitution), Ruto acted after the failure of the finance bill. Gachagua, in his charges before the Senate, was accused of insubordination and financing the anti-finance bill demonstrations in June, though some wonder why he is being ousted now. The cabinet was dismissed for multiple reasons, but Gachagua's case shares the accusation of failing to advise the president about the public's opposition to the finance bill.
Meanwhile, citizens are displeased with the transition of the National Health Insurance Fund (NHIF) to the Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF). As a result, all Kenyans and their dependents are legally required to register as SHIF members, which began at the start of this month. This shift has caused confusion and chaos for patients in most hospitals. Isn’t the president mandated to listen to the demands of the people, or will someone be blamed if the model fails?
Another point of confusion for both Kenyans and lawmakers is the involvement of Adani Group, a prominent Indian conglomerate owned by Gautam Adani, in the potential management of Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA). Adani is supposedly seeking to run JKIA via a 30-year build, operate, and transfer arrangement. The Kenya Airports Authority (KAA) had secretly cleared Adani to take over before a court order suspended the plan. Petitioners claim that Adani will use JKIA titles to secure funds, sparking negative reactions among Kenyans.
These decisions have stirred discontent among Kenyans, and whoever is advising the president should inform him that the public is not pleased at all.
We seem to be existing in a democracy which recycles similar governance patterns at the expense of it's citizens. Sad